Tag Archives: Empower Montgomery

Corporate MoCo Council Adopts Supply-Side Economics

The Montgomery County Council talks a good game when it comes to progressive politics, but their policy choices are straight out of the corporate conservative Republican playbook.

Consider their most recent action to lower impact fees that pay for public services, like schools, on development.

Heeding calls by Empower Montgomery (which advertised being founded by David Blair until he ran for county executive), the Council is eliminating moratoria on development required by law due to the county’s failure to provide public services needed for existing residents in these areas. The Council didn’t solve the problem providing the public services needed to meet legal requirements but by simply eliminating the moratoria.

In the past, councilmembers have argued against moratoria on the grounds that the impact fees from new development are vital to providing these services. No one has trumpeted this line more strongly than the Council’s Planning, Housing and Economic Development (PHED) Committee Chair Hans Riemer.

In an October email blast, Riemer justified the Council’s last corporate welfare giveaway (eliminating real estate developments on WMATA property from property taxes for 15 years) by pointing to the impact fees they will generate:

These projects generate more construction jobs and more one-time revenue for the County, such as impact tax revenue that can be used to add school and transportation capacity.

Now, the Council has voted substantial cuts to the impact fees that they touted as the reason to eliminate the moratoria and pass the property tax giveaway for developers. Consistency may be the hobgoblin of little minds, but this nevertheless remains an impressive feat of quick dumping down the memory hole.

The Council’s decision sounds like straight supply-side economics. It contends that reducing impact fees will result in more development. If they believe that this will result in an impact tax gusher, it’s the exact same fantasy that fueled massive deficits under Reagan, Bush and Trump, when tax cuts for the wealthy did not swell the nation’s coffers. Otherwise, they are bringing in more people who will require services but leaving the county even less equipped to pay for needed infrastructure.

The Council has conveniently left the decision as to what cuts should be made due to revenue reduction to County Executive Marc Elrich. They’ll lay the blame for the fall in revenue and cuts at his door even though their policies will cause the problem.

Elrich vetoed the bill despite unanimous Council support. As they vote to override it and further starve public infrastructure, the Council will cast Elrich’s fiscally responsible decision simultaneously as far-left crazy and anti-affordable housing.

During his ten years on the Council, Hans Riemer has cast himself as the leader of efforts to provide affordable housing. He vilifies Marc Elrich’s policies as the source of the problem. Yet it’s Riemer and his allies, like two-three-term Planning Board Chair Casey Anderson, who pushed this supply-side legislation, who have long been running the policy show in this area.

That hasn’t stopped them from regularly declaring current policy a failure to justify their latest idea. Obliviously, the Council regularly passes new legislation that Anderson, Riemer and friends claim will address the lack of affordable housing while simultaneously lamenting the continuing decline of affordable housing.

But don’t let the rest of the Council off the hook either. It voted to raise your property taxes while cutting those on favored developers (Councilmembers Hucker and Jawando opposed the latter). And all voted to reduce impact fees even though they all ran on improving public services.

Supported by monied interests, this show has been running for a long time. The Council gift wraps another tranche of money to wealthy interests that lobby for it in the gauzy rhetoric of affordable housing and social justice. The policy failure is then used to justify the next giveaway. Recycle and repeat.

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Revealed! Funders of Nine Districts

By Adam Pagnucco.

Nine District for MoCo, the ballot question entity responsible for gathering signatures for a 9 district charter amendment, has filed a new campaign finance report listing its contributions and expenditures through August 2. The organization’s prior report, released in January, contained data for 7/24/19 through 1/8/20.

The information here is bound to shake MoCo’s political establishment to its core.

First, the overall data on contributions and expenditures.

Contributions
7/24/19-1/8/20: $1,244
1/9/20-8/2/20: $64,790
Total: $66,034

Expenditures
7/24/19-1/8/20: $438
1/9/20-8/2/20: $59,140
Total: $59,578

Here are the largest contributors to the group.

Charles Nulsen, Washington Property Company: $50,000
UFCW Local 1994 MCGEO: $10,000 (in-kind)
Bob Buchanan, Buchanan Partners: $5,000
Fraternal Order of Police: $5,000 (in-kind)
Montgomery County Career Fire Fighters Association PAC: $5,000 (in-kind)
Gingery Development Group: $5,000
Arlene Hillerson (listed as being in real estate): $2,000

The Town of Laytonsville also contributed $100.

Charlie Nulsen is the founder of Empower Montgomery. Bob Buchanan is the former chair of the county’s economic development corporation. Both are long-time regional developers.

The unions’ in-kind contributions came in the form of online advertising.

The leading recipient of money from the group is Rowland Strategies of Baltimore, which was paid $50,000 on June 9. The firm is headed by Jonathon Rowland, a national level strategist who ran Hoan Dang’s campaign for county council in 2018.

Nine Districts for MoCo is now revealed as an unholy alliance of developers and unions – two groups that often don’t see eye to eye. The unions are aggrieved at the council’s rejection of their collective bargaining agreements (among MANY other things). The developers have long complained about – in their view – the difficulty of doing business in MoCo. They are also no doubt upset about the recent imposition of temporary rent stabilization.

The real estate industry and labor both have substantial influence over county politics but don’t get everything they want – especially in these troubled times. If they have indeed formed an unholy alliance on anything, much less a ballot measure that would eviscerate the county council, this is a new day for MoCo.

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Anemic business growth is the problem. So why does Empower MoCo think residential growth is the solution?

Empower Montgomery (EM) released a report today, displayed at the bottom of this post, arguing that Montgomery County faces strong economic headwinds. In particular, it highlights “a disproportionate, unhealthy reliance on residential tax base” for new revenues and a corresponding lack of growth in commercial business.

And this is where they lost the plot.

Despite having identified the lack of growth in commercial business, and “unimpressive” commercial real estate valuations, as critical challenges for the county, EM’s number one solution is bizarrely geared towards promoting more residential growth.

Specifically, EM’s report expresses alarm that several areas in the county could soon face building moratoria because of the lack of sufficient spaces in public schools to educate more kids. Empower Montgomery regards moratoria as a major business challenge and calls for building more schools to prevent them.

Leaving aside the question of the best places for needed capital investment in the public school system, often in existing schools, the problem facing Montgomery County is not residential development but commercial business. Put another way, we need more businesses that produce goods and services other than more housing.

Though this is the central point of the entire report, EM’s number one solution (literally, it’s numbered “1”) is obliviously to promote more residential housing growth. EM links school construction, rather than improving what’s inside the schools, to better outcomes. Perhaps it’s not accidental that the former but not the latter enables more housing construction.

In a similar vein, EM comes up with concrete ways to fund school construction. But their report is silent on the question of funding operations, which is far more critical to long-term student success and a heavy ongoing cost. Again, one might almost think schools are more about housing development than child development.

Beyond failing to make the connection between school construction and student performance, EM’s report completely neglects to explain why building more residential housing attracts new commercial business. That may be because the report itself inadvertently shows that it doesn’t. After all, EM’s report reveals that Montgomery’s housing stock and population have grown without attracting needed new business.

The truth about residential development is that it is often unprofitable from the county’s perspective. Once the builders are gone, they leave a new group of residents demanding additional infrastructure and services. While commercial business brings both employment and tax revenues, new residential development is much closer to a break-even proposition.

Even new residents who don’t need special government services—and many will—still require more police and fire protection. More residents mean we need more people at the 911 call center to take just one mundane example.

One set of new residents is especially expensive: children. Education is by far the most expensive service that local government provides. It takes up roughly one-half of the current county budget. Very few families are net contributors to the county budget while they have kids in the public schools. Unless we’re willing to increase classroom sizes, it’s also not easy to achieve economies of scale.

Depending upon who moves into new homes and infrastructure required, and the county school system remains a core asset, residential development can even exacerbate county balance sheet problems. I’m not saying education is not a worthwhile expense. As an educator, I have a decidedly vested interest in promoting it. But it’s not cheap.

In short, focusing on residential development as the solution ignores the critical problem. Even more myopically, it utterly ignores election results not just in Montgomery but also in other parts of the state, such as Anne Arundel, expressing frustration with the lack of infrastructure to support current residents.

Let’s be blunt. For too long, the county has often conflated building and business. We need to spend a lot more time thinking about how to attract and to grow commercial businesses into commercial spaces than building more residential housing. Attracting more business would sure help us afford the new residents for whom there is already ample zoning.

EM is right that expanding the commercial tax base has to be a key part of addressing that problem. As the previous county council under the leadership of Councilmember Nancy Floreen revised the zoning code in a pro-business manner, it would be welcome if the new council would turn its attention to promoting new commercial business.

In contrast, pursuing EM’s approach on development would be a perfect example of trying the same solution again and expecting a different result. Why on earth shoring up residential development is touted as essential when the central problem is a badly anemic commercial business sector remains a mystery.

Empower Montgomery is a business group—it supported David Blair for county executive—and it unsurprisingly contains pro-business recommendations. In terms of residential development, their approach represents more of the same, and it’s not going to cut it.

We are not going to solve our problems in attracting new commercial businesses by building more residential homes. At the same time, EM is right that expanding the commercial tax base has to be a key part of addressing that problem. Other ideas in the report may be well worth considering. I’m certainly a fan of privatizing the liquor monopoly.

The previous county council just revised the zoning code in a pro-business manner. It would be welcome if the new council would shift its attention to promoting new commercial business. We have a bunch of new councilmembers who hopefully can bring new perspectives on how to bring new business vitality to the county.

It would also be terrific if the business community would partner with the new executive and council in figuring out ways to both make Montgomery County government more innovative and efficient, and also work far better to attract business. Reforming county government has been a central plank of Marc Elrich’s platform. If business doesn’t take him up on it and keeps making him out to be the boogeyman, they’re missing a real opportunity.

Business needs to play a bigger role in helping move Montgomery County forward. But this report’s focus on residential development as a solution to commercial business problems suggests that the political representation of business may be just as skewed towards the residential developers as the county’s tax base is to residential development.

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Law Firm Client Requesting County Email Lists Identified

By Adam Pagnucco.

Earlier today, we published a piece noting that an associate with the law firm Sandler Reiff Lamb Rosenstein & Birkenstock, P.C. requested the county’s email lists.  The post contained an important error: the firm did in fact identify its client in its request letter to the county.   Law firm member Joseph E. Sandler wrote the following to us this morning:

Your piece in Seventh State regarding our law firm’s Public Information Act request for e-mail records, submitted to Montgomery County, is flat-out inaccurate.  County law requires that a lawyer submitting such a request on behalf of a client disclose the client—Empower Montgomery– and Ms. Krupke did so, in her letter, of copy of which is attached.  The County website did not list the client but Ms. Krupke’s letter did disclose it.  Apparently you didn’t bother to check the letter itself.  Please run an immediate retraction/correction.  Thanks for your prompt attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Joe Sandler

When your author requested that Mr. Sandler cite the section of state or county law requiring attorney disclosure of clients when making Public Information Act (PIA) requests, he replied, “Our view is that we were required, by the rules of legal ethics, to disclose the client in these circumstances.  We do not believe it is required by state or county law.”

Sandler’s firm did in fact disclose the client in their PIA request.  The request itself did not appear on the county’s website.  We were wrong in implying that the firm intended to protect the identity of the client.  We reprint the request letter below.

Empower Montgomery, the client requesting the emails, is an advocacy group whose co-founders are real estate executives Charlie Nulsen and Chris Bruch, former health care executive David Blair and former County Council Member Steve Silverman.  Blair has been mentioned as a possible candidate for County Executive twice in the Washington Post.  Silverman was once the Director of the county’s Department of Economic Development and is now a registered lobbyist with both the county and the state.

We apologize to Mr. Sandler and his firm for implying in our original post that their Public Information Act request was intended to conceal the identity of their client.  That was clearly wrong.  Even so, the news that a rumored potential County Executive candidate and a registered lobbyist with business before the county are now in possession of the county’s email lists is interesting in and of itself.

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